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THE STORY OF HOLLAND.
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XV.
HENRY THE THIRD AND ELIZABETH.
THE
Queen of England was perfectly alive to the necessity of curtailing or
even of extinguishing Philips power in the Netherlands. She knew
what were the designs of the prudent king against her, open
and secret. She was so well served in the matter of spies, that she knew
almost as well as Orange did what passed in the kings cabinet, and
at his writing-desk. Walsingham, her best and most far-sighted adviser,
was as keen as a bloodhound in scenting out a plot. She knew that if Philip
vanquished the Netherlands a descent upon England would certainly be attempted
and be probably effected. It is probable that she did not fully understand
how Philips hands were occupied in France, but she knew well enough
how little trust she could put in the French king. She did know that Philip
was preparing a vast armament, and she had no doubt about its destination.
The exploits of Drake had, indeed, delayed the issue of the Armada, but
Philip was undeterred by any loss from projects on which he had set his
heart. The Armada, however, did not sail till four years after the murder
of Orange.
Charles the Ninth,
fourth king of the house of Valois, died in 1574, exhausted by remorse,
as we are told, for the horrible but fruitless massacre of St. Bartholomew,
which had been perpetrated two years before. Two brothers survived himHenry,
then King of Poland, who became at once King of France, and speedily quitted
his old for his new kingdom; and Francis Hercules, Duke of Anjou, whom
we have seen before in the capacity of Duke of Brabant, and capital conspirator
against the liberties of Flanders, and of Antwerp in particular. Henry
was now the last of the house of Valois, his heir being Henry of Navarre,
at that time a Huguenot.
Henry was as false
as Philip. But he had vices more odious and scandalous in the eyes of
the people than any other French king ever had. His reign was one perpetual
civil war. At one time he was fighting with his kinsmen of Navarre, at
another time with his insurgent nobles. Though he showed no love for his
Calvinist subjects he was obliged to respect them and even to conciliate
them, for they might help him against the faction of the Guises. Now the
people of Paris and some other large towns in the North, who were more
fanatically attached to the old religion than even the Pope himself, were
determined to curtail the kings power and play into the hands of
the Spanish king, or at least appear to do so. With the view of protecting
their religion, the nobles founded and maintained an association which
went by the name of the Most Holy League, and finally Madam League. The
real object of this association was to make the nobles independent of
the king, and in case he died childless, to exclude the heretical Henry
from the throne. Philip, as we have seen, intended the throne for his
daughter. Guise, who took Philips money, purposed if possible to
occupy it himself. But it was Philips interest that France should
be if possible exhausted and impoverished, and therefore the League was
under his especial patronage.
Civil war was chronic
during Henrys reign. There was hardly a year of peace during his
fourteen years and more of reigning. We have seen that to the last, however,
Orange strove to get a French king or a French prince to undertake the
sovereignty of the Netherlands, of course under guarantees for the liberty
and the institutions of the people. After the death of Orange, Olden Barneveldt,
the great Advocate of Holland, carried out his policy, and negotiated
with Henry, till the French king, after protracted and delusive playing
with them, finally declined the offer made him.
The States intended,
had the King of France accepted their offers, to give him a very limited
sovereignty in their country. Whether if he had accepted it, or, indeed,
could have accepted it, he would have treated his pledges with more good
faith than his brother did, may well be doubted. But even as a limited
ruler in the Netherlands, the position would have been highly advantageous
to him as King of France. It was from the side of the Netherlands nearly
all the historic invasions of France had been made. When the English tried
to make good their footing in France, the goodwill of the Netherlands
was indispensable to them. Edward the Third of England found Arteveldt
the brewer of Ghent, a necessary ally in the fourteenth century; and the
friendship of the Duke of Burgundy in the fifteenth aided the victories
of the house of Lancaster, as his enmity arrested them, and finally expelled
the English from France. |

ROTTERDAM.
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was from the Netherlands that Philip was able to win the victory of St.
Quentin, and dictate the Peace of Cateau Cambresis. We shall find that
Parma with his army in Flanders, raised the siege of Paris, and raised
the siege of Rouen. A century afterwards, when France was consolidated,
and had become the first military power in Europe, under Louis XIV., all
the efforts of the great king were directed towards the acquisition of
the Flemish towns. It was here that most of Marlboroughs battles
were fought and won, the Dutch of that day believing with reason, that
the conquest of Flanders by the French would be the ruin of Holland. Had
Henry and his mother been able to comprehend the supreme significance
of Flanders to the French monarchy, and comprehending it, had they imagined
that they would be able to hold them, it seems plain that they should
have grasped at the opportunity. Henry the Fourth would have formed a
different judgment on the situation, had he been on the throne, and had
his hands been free to extend the bounds of his kingdom.
Henry III. declined
their advances, and much precious time was lost in vainly negotiating
with him; for, during this embassy, Antwerp was invested and after a protracted
siege reduced. Ghent was gone, Brussels was gone, Mechlin was soon to
follow, and freedom was confined to Holland and Zeland. The assassination
of Orange was more valuable to Parma than an army of forty thousand veterans;
for the master mind whom the cities trusted, and who could, though not
without incessant labour, hold them together, was gone.
The Hollanders now
turned to Elizabeth. It is necessary to know a little of the position
of the great Queen, whose aid, grudgingly and capriciously given, was
after all of inestimable value in the early days of the forlorn republic.
Elizabeth had succeeded to the throne of a country which had been impoverished
by the wanton extravagance and cruel frauds of her father, and by misgovernment
in the reigns of her brother and sister. England had been wealthy and
powerful a generation or two before; it was now poor and weak. If Elizabeth
was penurious, she had need to be. The estates of the crown had been wasted,
and the people had been impoverished. Her own birth was ambiguous. Her
cousin, Mary Stewart, had quartered the arms of England when she was Queen
of France, and never could be brought to disavow the act, even when she
was Elizabeths prisoner. She was excommunicated by the Pope, dethroned
in words, and assassins were incited to attack her. She was the perpetual
object of conspiracies, all of which were detected and baffled. She had
her troubles at home, for Elizabeth was imperious and intolerant, and
some of the exiles of Marys reign had come to England with views
about church government which did not suit her taste. She was extremely
poor, her revenue was inelastic, and she was abundantly cautious.
Elizabeth had very
sagacious counsellors. Burghley, the most wary of them; was as hesitating
as his misstress was. Walsingham was far more clearsighted and bold, and
had the temper of Elizabeth squared with his, the queen would have gone
far more heartily into the matter. Now the Hollanders wanted two things,
money and troops, especially land forces, for the Beggars of the Sea were
fairly, competent to defend their own shores, and take account of Spanish
forces on the water. Elizabeth could supply the Hollanders with some troops,
and she sent them some excellent generals of division, though, one must
say with shame, some of these, as Yorke and Stanley, were traitors. She
would not take the sovereignty of their country on any terms, and always
advocated a double protectorate. She was very hard about advancing them
money, slow to grant it at all, and always insisting on security for it.
It is fair to add that she never got back the whole of the money she lent
them, and that her successor released the guarantees, the so-called cautionary
towns, for a good deal less than the admitted debt.
She also gave them
a commander, or lieutenant-general governor, in the person of the Earl
of Leicester, her favourite. Leicester was a handsome man, and of commanding
presence. Early in Elizabeths reign and later on, it was believed
that she intended to marry him, not in England only, but elsewhere. He
was the son of Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, executed for high treason
at the beginning of Marys reign, and grandson of Dudley, one of
Henry the Sevenths instruments of extortion, who was executed at
the beginning of Henry the Eighths reign. He was also, brother of
Guildford Dudley, the husband of Jane Grey, who had been styled queen
for twelve days.
Leicester was an
unfortunate choice for Holland. He had no military experience, and was
to be opposed to the greatest general of the age. His head, never very
strong against temptations to pride and arrogance was fairly turned by
the deference which was shown him in Holland, and the importance which
was attached to his mission. He chafed without Judgment at the restraints
which the jealousy of the Republic put on his authority. It was difficult
for an English nobleman and courtier in those days to imagine that burghers
and artizans and farmers had a right to any political opinions whatever,
much less to take part in affairs of State. He was in Holland, with intervals,
for three years, and was hated as heartily by the Dutch on his departure
as he was welcomed at his first appearance. The Queen was angry with him,
angry with the Dutch, and should have been angry with herself for having
made so bad a choice.
It should not be
thought, however, that Elizabeth was not of great service to Holland in
the crisis of the republic, despite the errors of her favourite and the
treachery of some of her subjects. Their misconduct, mischievous as it
was, was atoned for by the valour and conduct of such men as the Veres
and Roger Williams. But it was the destiny and the glory of Holland that
she attained her independence and her power mainly, if not entirely, by
her own spirit and determination, Holland had in the end to rely on herself,
to form her own armies, her own navies, her own commanders by sea and
land, and her own trade; and not only to give the world a spectacle of
unflinching heroism, but to teach it a thousand lessons for peace or war.
Perhaps it was well for Holland that Leicester did not possess the genius
of Parma.
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